warm country
Conjoined Predication and Scalar Implicature
Magri (2016) has discussed two puzzles raised by conjunction. While the first puzzle has not been resolved, a solution to the second puzzle has been proposed by Magri. The first puzzle conceals an interrelationship between quantification, collective/concurrent interpretation, and contextual updates, the aspects of which have not been explored. In brief, the puzzle is that certain variants of sentences such as # Some Italians come from a warm country involving conjunction as in # (Only) Some Italians come from a warm country and are blond remain odd despite the fact that no alternative seems to trigger the mismatching scalar implicature. In this paper, we o ffer a conceptual analysis of Magri's first puzzle, by first presenting it in the context of th e theory in which it arises . This paper proposes that the oddness arises due to the collective - concurrent interpretation of the conjunctive predicate, as underlined in # (Only) Some Italians come from a warm country and are blond that ends up giving rise to an indirect contextual contradiction. It is suggested that the generation of scalar implicatures may have pragmatically governed facets not fully conditioned by accounts of exhaustification - based grammatical licensing of scalar implicatures . Introduction Magri (2016) has discussed two puzzles raised by conjunction which we discuss in brief.
- North America > United States > California > Los Angeles County > Los Angeles (0.14)
- Europe > Portugal (0.05)
- Europe > United Kingdom > England > Oxfordshire > Oxford (0.04)
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